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The Evolution of Food Patterns
of a Migratory Moroccan Population
By
Monika Sudakov
"We are what we eat." Few statements seem so trite, yet have such pervasive meaning. Humans are biologically programmed to eat, yet how they eat cross-culturally varies immensely. When examined as an aspect of a specific culture, the food practices observed by a given group of people in their unique environment can be reflective of every facet of their existence, from their socio-political structure to their economic structure to their ideological beliefs. These practices create a dialogue, a distinct structure of meaning and symbols that allow not only the members of a culture to behave in what they perceive to be socially acceptable ways, but for the outsider looking in to gain insight into the underlying mechanisms that drive that particular culture.
Having said this, it is interesting to note that within the discourse of anthropological research, little has been said about the food practices of specific cultures, save as passing commentary leading to the exposition of some greater analytical point. Food as the driving source of research is just beginning to emerge as a legitimate and indeed extremely critical aspect of understanding culture. In their forward to the book "Food and Culture: A Reader," Carole Counihan and Penny Van Esterik point out that "food holds the keys to any culture and presents manifold channels for analysis." (p. 2) As such, it is fitting that it should begin to attract the the attention of more scholars, seeking to gain a true understanding of who we are and why we behave the way that we do.
In my own research as a Master's student in Anthropology at UNLV, I have decided to focused my thesis primarily upon food and, in particular, the ways in which a culture's food practices can and do change when a people migrate from one locale to another. As Sidney Mintz points out, "...large-scale structural changes, such as war and migration, may change the rules of the game, so to speak, compelling people to reorder their categories of meaning in new ways, and (hence) to eat (and drink) differently." (Mintz, 1996) The structural changes involved in migration which affect a people's food practices include changes in environment, differential availability of resources, technological variation, economic/social status, modification of ideological beliefs and/or practices, differences in political structure and degree of acceptance by an indigenous population toward the migrant population.
The decision to concentrate on Moroccan Cuisine and food practices in particular came about purely by chance. Having already been interested in food and it's role in cultural development/expression, my curiosity about Morocco specifically was piqued when my husband took me to a Moroccan restaurant for the first time. The feast was stimulating and interactive, involving every one of my five senses in the experience. The smell of coriander and mint infused the air we breathed as we tasted the intense flavors of preserved lemons and saffron. Each course was an artistic masterpiece, vibrant with color, shape and fluidity. As we picked up our bread and ripped it into pieces to soak up the lavish sauces of our tagine, we could feel every ingredient with the tips of our fingers. The warmth of the harira soup, the coolness of the cucumber salad, and the soft, velvety touch of the couscous granules heightened the flavor of each bite. All this coupled with the relaxed atmosphere of pillows and dim lighting served to illuminate fundamental Moroccan philosophies of hospitality and abundance.
What intrigued me the most was the sense of ritual involved in the consumption of this meal. It was orchestrated in a very particular way, each dish occupying it's appropriate place within the grand scheme of the meal. There was a sense of a right or correct way of eating that had to be observed if the meal was to be completely and authentically experienced.
Out of this experience came a desire to discover the background of this remarkable cuisine, and the ways in which the meal that I enjoyed here in the U.S. came to be realized. How did what I ate reflect the indigenous cuisine of Morocco? How was it different? What motivated these differences? What influences did our culinary traditions have on the ways in which Moroccan cuisine was conceptualized within not only the Moroccan restaurants in the United States, but within the households of Moroccan immigrants to the U.S.?
The first step in answering these questions involved reading many books and articles about Moroccan cuisine and life in Morocco in general. The themes of these books varied enormously, focusing on aspects of Islamic influences upon consumption to concepts of gender roles in the marketplace. What became abundantly clear is that the cuisine of Morocco is highly regional. Morocco itself is a country with virtually every kind of ecological zone from Mediterranean seaside ports to deserts to the Middle and High Atlas mountains. Each of these zones yields a particular set of locally available resources that can be used for consumption. This variety allows for a dish like couscous to be re-conceptualized in many different ways, depending on where it has been prepared.
Another element that has emerged as critical to understanding Moroccan cuisine is the influence of cultural diffusion upon the ways in which foods are prepared and the ingredients that are utilized. Amongst the most influential are the flavors of the Arabs, Spaniards from Andalusia, French, Asians, and the indigenous Berbers. With these groups came some of the most pervasive ingredients found in Moroccan food, including saffron, chickpeas and the warka pastry utilized for the elegant dish Bisteeya.
In consideration of all of these elements, I have devised a research methodology that involves intensive participant observation and interviews with Moroccan immigrants, shop owners of middle eastern markets responsible for providing the local Moroccan population with specific ingredients not necessarily found at regular grocery stores, owners and chefs of Moroccan restaurants and authors of books on Moroccan cuisine and culture. The focus of these interviews is to establish the degree to which diffusion of local customs has influenced the cuisine of local Moroccans and to identify the adaptations of traditional ways of preparing and consuming foods that have occurred.
The intent of this research is to document my findings in an extensive research paper aimed at not only those interested in Moroccan food and culture, but also those seeking a better understanding of the ways in which food and culture in general can be considered. Perhaps it will lead to future works centering on the food practices of other cultures that have yet to be analyzed, promoting greater awareness of and understanding of these cultures than has ever been achieved via any other mode of investigation.
I am seeking willing Moroccan participants for interviews regarding their experiences in the United States and their perceptions of how their food practices have or have not changed since migrating to this country. If anyone is interested, please contact Monika Sudakov at lvmarrakech@msn.com.
The Evolution of Food Patterns
of a Migratory Moroccan Population
By
Monika Sudakov
"We are what we eat." Few statements seem so trite, yet have such pervasive meaning. Humans are biologically programmed to eat, yet how they eat cross-culturally varies immensely. When examined as an aspect of a specific culture, the food practices observed by a given group of people in their unique environment can be reflective of every facet of their existence, from their socio-political structure to their economic structure to their ideological beliefs. These practices create a dialogue, a distinct structure of meaning and symbols that allow not only the members of a culture to behave in what they perceive to be socially acceptable ways, but for the outsider looking in to gain insight into the underlying mechanisms that drive that particular culture.
Having said this, it is interesting to note that within the discourse of anthropological research, little has been said about the food practices of specific cultures, save as passing commentary leading to the exposition of some greater analytical point. Food as the driving source of research is just beginning to emerge as a legitimate and indeed extremely critical aspect of understanding culture. In their forward to the book "Food and Culture: A Reader," Carole Counihan and Penny Van Esterik point out that "food holds the keys to any culture and presents manifold channels for analysis." (p. 2) As such, it is fitting that it should begin to attract the the attention of more scholars, seeking to gain a true understanding of who we are and why we behave the way that we do.
In my own research as a Master's student in Anthropology at UNLV, I have decided to focused my thesis primarily upon food and, in particular, the ways in which a culture's food practices can and do change when a people migrate from one locale to another. As Sidney Mintz points out, "...large-scale structural changes, such as war and migration, may change the rules of the game, so to speak, compelling people to reorder their categories of meaning in new ways, and (hence) to eat (and drink) differently." (Mintz, 1996) The structural changes involved in migration which affect a people's food practices include changes in environment, differential availability of resources, technological variation, economic/social status, modification of ideological beliefs and/or practices, differences in political structure and degree of acceptance by an indigenous population toward the migrant population.
The decision to concentrate on Moroccan Cuisine and food practices in particular came about purely by chance. Having already been interested in food and it's role in cultural development/expression, my curiosity about Morocco specifically was piqued when my husband took me to a Moroccan restaurant for the first time. The feast was stimulating and interactive, involving every one of my five senses in the experience. The smell of coriander and mint infused the air we breathed as we tasted the intense flavors of preserved lemons and saffron. Each course was an artistic masterpiece, vibrant with color, shape and fluidity. As we picked up our bread and ripped it into pieces to soak up the lavish sauces of our tagine, we could feel every ingredient with the tips of our fingers. The warmth of the harira soup, the coolness of the cucumber salad, and the soft, velvety touch of the couscous granules heightened the flavor of each bite. All this coupled with the relaxed atmosphere of pillows and dim lighting served to illuminate fundamental Moroccan philosophies of hospitality and abundance.
What intrigued me the most was the sense of ritual involved in the consumption of this meal. It was orchestrated in a very particular way, each dish occupying it's appropriate place within the grand scheme of the meal. There was a sense of a right or correct way of eating that had to be observed if the meal was to be completely and authentically experienced.
Out of this experience came a desire to discover the background of this remarkable cuisine, and the ways in which the meal that I enjoyed here in the U.S. came to be realized. How did what I ate reflect the indigenous cuisine of Morocco? How was it different? What motivated these differences? What influences did our culinary traditions have on the ways in which Moroccan cuisine was conceptualized within not only the Moroccan restaurants in the United States, but within the households of Moroccan immigrants to the U.S.?
The first step in answering these questions involved reading many books and articles about Moroccan cuisine and life in Morocco in general. The themes of these books varied enormously, focusing on aspects of Islamic influences upon consumption to concepts of gender roles in the marketplace. What became abundantly clear is that the cuisine of Morocco is highly regional. Morocco itself is a country with virtually every kind of ecological zone from Mediterranean seaside ports to deserts to the Middle and High Atlas mountains. Each of these zones yields a particular set of locally available resources that can be used for consumption. This variety allows for a dish like couscous to be re-conceptualized in many different ways, depending on where it has been prepared.
Another element that has emerged as critical to understanding Moroccan cuisine is the influence of cultural diffusion upon the ways in which foods are prepared and the ingredients that are utilized. Amongst the most influential are the flavors of the Arabs, Spaniards from Andalusia, French, Asians, and the indigenous Berbers. With these groups came some of the most pervasive ingredients found in Moroccan food, including saffron, chickpeas and the warka pastry utilized for the elegant dish Bisteeya.
In consideration of all of these elements, I have devised a research methodology that involves intensive participant observation and interviews with Moroccan immigrants, shop owners of middle eastern markets responsible for providing the local Moroccan population with specific ingredients not necessarily found at regular grocery stores, owners and chefs of Moroccan restaurants and authors of books on Moroccan cuisine and culture. The focus of these interviews is to establish the degree to which diffusion of local customs has influenced the cuisine of local Moroccans and to identify the adaptations of traditional ways of preparing and consuming foods that have occurred.
The intent of this research is to document my findings in an extensive research paper aimed at not only those interested in Moroccan food and culture, but also those seeking a better understanding of the ways in which food and culture in general can be considered. Perhaps it will lead to future works centering on the food practices of other cultures that have yet to be analyzed, promoting greater awareness of and understanding of these cultures than has ever been achieved via any other mode of investigation.
I am seeking willing Moroccan participants for interviews regarding their experiences in the United States and their perceptions of how their food practices have or have not changed since migrating to this country. If anyone is interested, please contact Monika Sudakov at lvmarrakech@msn.com.
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